Thursday, September 05, 2013


I sort of figured I could answer the question of how the issue of abortion plays out in Muslim countries.  You likely feel the same way.  Well, it turns out it is more complex than I thought.  In fact, there is a remarkable variability on the issue in Muslim majority countries.  The variability is largely dependent on the point of gestational development and the grounds for abortion.    Further, unlike, for example, the Catholic Church, Islam does not have a hierarchy of organised clergy, or a central authority which instructs Muslims in one single interpretation of the faith. On the contrary, different Muslim communities exist within the religion, including Sunni and Shi’a Muslims, which in turn are differentiated by the different schools of Islamic law to which they adhere. Therefore, no generalised account of the religion should be attempted.

Research cited at the web site of London School of Economics and Political Science points out:

On the one end of the spectrumabortion laws in Muslim-majority countries exemplified a generally conservative approach where 18 of 47 countries only legally permit abortions in cases where the life of the pregnant women is threatened (i.e. not in cases to preserve a woman’s physical or mental health, rape, foetal impairment, or for social or economic reasons). On the other end of the spectrum, 10 Muslim-majority countries allow abortion ‘on request’.

The diversity found in Muslim-majority countries is likely in part due to the variability of the Islamic position as well as many other factors including whether the legal system is based on Sharia law exclusively (e.g. Iran), a combination of Sharia law alongside civil or common law (e.g. Saudi Arabia), or whether the legal system is not formally based upon Sharia law at all (e.g. Turkey). 

And then there is Iran.  Beth Speake of the Center for Interdisciplinary Gender Studies, University of Leeds,, and currently the Administrator at Sheffield Rape and Sexual Abuse Counselling Service Volunteer Social Policy Coordinator at Sheaf Citizens Advice Bureau writes at e-International Relations, 

The example of Iran is particularly interesting. Iranis a theocratic country, where the Shiite rule of the jurist was established in the Iranian Revolution of 1979, and the Muslim clergy or Ulama are involved in policy making and legislation (Mehryar, Ahmad-Nia and Kazemipour, 2007, p.353). In 1977, before the Revolution, abortion was made available on request provided it was prescribed by a qualified doctor, and the government was involved in an active family planning programme which had been established since 1967. This law was annulled by the new state immediately after the Revolution (Mehryar, Ahmad-Nia and Kazemipour, 2007, p.357), abortion was outlawed except to save the woman’s life, and sterilisation was banned. The official national family planning programme was abandoned, and the regime under the Grand Ayatollah Khomeini became overtly pronatalist, with procreation (within marriage) and fertility being extolled as key Islamic values (Boonstra, 2001, p.5). Over the next few years, the fertility rate in Iran increased dramatically (Obermeyer, 1994, p.46). However, attributing this change in policy purely to the triumph of Islamic values is misleading. In fact, in early 1980, when the revolution had ended, the Ministry of Health obtainedfatāwa from the Grand Ayatollah Khomeini and other respected ayatollahs stating that Iranian couples’ use of modern contraceptives was not contrary to Islamic principles (Mehryar, Ahmad-Nia and Kazemipour, 2007, p.354). Furthermore, though high fertility rates had been encouraged in response to heavy casualties during the war with Iraq between 1980 – 1988, by the late 1980’s, the negative effects of the war became apparent and worsening economic conditions, combined with a rapidly increasing population, obliged the leaders of the Islamic Republic to ‘re-evaluate its ideological stance with respect to population issues’ (Obermeyer, 1994, pp.46-47). Thus, a reproductive health and family planning programme was re-introduced in 1988 and now provides a wide range of contraception. Moreover, in April 2005 the Iranian parliament, despite opposition from the Islamic Guardian Council, approved a law which permits abortion in the first four months of gestation if the foetus is ‘physically or mentally handicapped’ (Hessini, 2007, p.80). Additionally, the law in Iran (along with only Tunisia and Turkey) allows for vasectomy procedures and tubal ligation[3] (Boonstra, 2001, p.5).

Thus, a country ruled by some of the most conservative Muslim clerics has, in relation to other countries of the MENA region, a fairly permissive approach to abortion and family planning (Hessini, 2008, p.82). DeJong, Jawad, Mortagy and Shepard (2005), therefore argue that: ‘Iran’s efforts to address reproductive health issues in consonance with religious values in an important model for other Muslim countries’ (DeJong et al., 2005, p.50). From a more cynical perspective, it can be argued that the leaders inIran, as well as being religious clerics, are also a ‘pragmatic political elite’ who to some extent recognise the importance of co-opting women’s support to ensure the survival of the government regime (Marcotte, 2003, p.162). Crucially, it must be recognised that the economic and political considerations of the different governments have motivated them to respond in different ways to issues of reproductive rights. Thus, while the present government inIranrefers to the Islamic religious tradition to justify its more permissive policies in relation to abortion and reproductive rights, previously, more restrictive policies had also been legitimated with reference to Islamic principles (Obermeyer, 1994, p.47). 

Ibrahim Syed, President of the Islamic Research Foundation, International writes,

In principle, the Qur'an condemns the killing of humans (except in the case of defense or as capital punishment), but it does not explicitly mention abortion. This leads Islamic theologians to take up different viewpoints: while the majority of early Islamic theologians permitted abortion up to day 40 of pregnancy or even up to day 120, many countries today interpret these precepts protecting unborn children more conservatively. Although there is no actual approval of abortion in the world of Islam, there is no strict, unanimous ban on it, either. Islam has not given any precise directions with regard to the issue of abortion. Hence it is not a matter, which has been clearly stated in the Shari'ah (Islamic Law) but rather an issue pertaining to the application of our knowledge of the Shari'ah.  Such application may vary in conclusion with a difference in the basic premises of one's arguments.

He adds,

The scholars all agree that abortion is forbidden after the first four months of pregnancy, since by that time the soul has entered the embryo but it would allow the use of RU486 (the "morning-after pill"), as long as it could be reasonably assumed that the fertilized egg has not become implanted on the wall of the uterus. Most scholars say that abortion is legal under Islamic Shari'ah (law), when done for valid reasons and when completed before the soul enters the embryo. To abort a baby for such vain reasons as wanting to keep a woman’s youthful figure, are not valid.

Muslims who argue that abortion is permissible up to four months, he writes:

...quote a statement from the Prophet (s) that refers to a human being starting as a fertilized ovum in the uterus of the mother for forty days, then it grows into a clot for the same period, then into a morsel of flesh for the same period, then an angel is sent to that fetus to blow the Ruh into it and to write down its age, deeds, sustenance, and whether it is destined to be happy or sad.

Dr. Gamal Serour, Director of the International Islamic Center for Population Studies and Research at Al-Azhar University states, 

 Yet women in many Muslim communities face barriers to contraceptive access and family planning services due to religious and cultural misconceptions. The reality is that Islam is – and always has been – supportive of women’s reproductive rights. The family is the basic unit of a Muslim society, and the mother is the keystone of this unit. Islam is a progressive religion that encourages its followers to uphold principles and practices that ensure maternal and reproductive health, and family planning is a central component of such practices.

Islam does not forbid a woman from controlling the spacing and number of her pregnancies. A thorough review of the Holy Quran reveals no text (nuss) prohibiting the prevention or planning of pregnancy, and there are several traditions of the Prophet (PBUH) that indicate such practices are permissible. Many modern contraceptives and family planning methods, by analogy (kias), are similar to coitus interruptions (al-azl), which has been practiced since the time of the Prophet (PBUH). Modern contraceptive pills, injectables, implants, and other reversible methods were not known at the time of the Prophet (PBUH), but serve the same purpose as coitus interruptions as they temporarily prevent pregnancy. Hence they can – and should – be used today.

Of course, the real issue isn't what religious laws says, is not what religious scholars think, is not what any religious belief dictates, the real issue is the fact that a woman must be able to control her reproductive capacities, her body and not be dependent on any patriarchal notions of what to do with it.  Patriarchy has a hard time existing the moment women take back themselves, seize the power over their lives, turn their backs on the priests, reverends, rabbis and mullas. 

PS: I don't know about you, but I can help but notice that as soon as I got into quoting religious scholars, I found myself quoting MEN.  Hmmm...

Anyway, I just found the piece below from Open Democracy interesting and informative.  The author Naureen Sameem  is a member of the international solidarity network Women Living Under Muslim Laws ( WLUML) and was the Harvard Public Service Fellow at WLUML and Stop Stoning Women campaign coordinator. A human rights lawyer and gender justice activist, she is a Women and Justice Fellow at Cornell Law School.

The future of abortion rights in Islam

There is no explicit reference to abortion in the Qur'an, and classical jurisprudence and modern-day religious scholarship highlight the diversity of Islamic thought on this subject. Naureen Shameen asks what the new antipathy to family planning by some of the Muslim majority countries means for the future of abortion rights.

In March this year the Muslim Brotherhood publicly denounced the UN Commission on the Status of Women’s Agreed Conclusions on violence against women, which call for sexual and reproductive health services - including safe abortion - for survivors of sexual violence. A statement by the Muslim Brotherhood described these as ‘the final step in the intellectual and cultural invasion of Muslim countries’ and as undermining ‘Islamic ethics and destroy[ing] the family.’

The statement is indicative of a newly vociferous antipathy to family planning from some Muslim majority countries such as Egypt and Libya, and stands in sharp contrast to the ways in which Muslim communities have historically addressed the issue, both in jurisprudence and social practice.

The legal and social framework regarding abortion of many modern Muslim-majority countries runs counter not only to classical jurisprudence of centuries before, but to the practices of many Muslim-majority societies historically. Research suggests that abortion was socially acceptable and broadly available within the Ottoman Empire and in Egypt up until the 19th century, for example.

Islam does not have a central authoritative structure of religious interpretation, and no single school or theology characterizes ‘Islamic thought’. There exists no explicit reference to abortion in the Qur’an. A number of passages refer to the multiple stages of development of the human embryo (23:12-14), and to the timing and process of ensoulment (23:14). At the end of the third phase of embryonic development, the soul enters the body. This is most frequently read as 120 days following conception.

The Sunnah - practices and rulings of the Prophet Muhammad, as described in orally transmitted traditions, or Hadith - also do not directly cite or prohibit abortion, and further elaborate on the Qur’an’s embryonic stages of development and ensoulment. They also point to the fetus as having some legal protections but fewer than that of a ‘full-fledged human being.’
Classical Muslim scholars such as Abu Hanifa and Ahmad ibn Hanbalattempted to translate the traditional Islamic textual sources - the Qur’an and Sunnah – into legal rulings, and Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) emerged from the multiple interpretations of scholars of several legal schools named after their founding jurists. Under classical Islamic jurisprudence, there exist roughly four different positions on abortion, prior to the point of ensoulment:

1.  Unconditional permission to terminate a pregnancy without a justification or fetal defect: Zaydi school (Shiite, associated with Zayd ibn Ali), some Hanafi (Sunni, founded by Abu Hanifa, most influential in South and Central Asia and Turkey) and Shafi’i (Sunni, following Al Shafi’i, most common in such countries as Malaysia and Indonesia) scholars. The Hanbali (Sunni, deriving from Ahmad ibn Hanbal, dominant in Saudi Arabia and Qatar) school allows for abortion through the use of oral abortifacients within 40 days of conception.

2.  Conditional permission to abort because of an acceptable justification. Should there be an abortion without a ‘valid reason’ it is considered disapproved/makruh, but not forbidden/haram: majority of Hanafi and Shafi’i scholars.

3.  Abortion is generally disapproved, but not forbidden: some Maliki (Sunni, founded by Malik bin Inas, particularly influential in Kuwait, Bahrain and the UAE) jurists.

4. Abortion is unconditionally prohibited: alternative Maliki view, in addition to the Zahiri (Sunni, minor, founded by Dawud al-Zahiri) , Ibadiyya (influential in Oman and Zanzibar) and Imamiyya (Shiite) legal schools.

Exceptions after ensoulment also exist under classical jurisprudence – in keeping with the fiqh principle to choose the lesser of two evils, most schools support abortion where the mother’s life is at risk. This is echoed by contemporary rulings, such as that of the late Grand Ayatollah Hassan Fadhlallah of Lebanon, who stated that abortions are permitted for a woman if continuing the pregnancy puts her life in danger, or if it will cause her serious difficulty.

More recently, exceptions in cases of rape have been supported by several modern-era fatwas in such countries as Egypt and Algeria. In 1998, the Egyptian Grand Sheikh of Al-Azhar, Muhammed Sayed Tantawi, issued a fatwa that unmarried women who had been raped should have access to abortion, and the same year in Algeria the Islamic Supreme Council issued a fatwa stating that abortions were allowed in cases of rape, as rape was being used by extremists as a weapon of war. These opinions, however, have not been codified in law.

Abortion in the case of fetal impairment is also supported by several Iranian and Egyptian fatwas. The Grand Mufti Ayatollah Yusuf Saanei allows for abortion in the first trimester in cases of fetal genetic disorder, as does Sheikh Nasri Farid Wasil. Although more rare, some modern fatwas supporting socio-economic justifications for abortion also exist, such as that of Sheikh Ahmed Harayd, who supports abortion in circumstances where the family would be incapable of hiring a wet-nurse to feed the child.

Of course, modern fatwas on abortion do not necessarily have women’s liberty as their aim. They may instead uphold regressive patriarchal structures, as for instance when the Grand Mufti Sheikh Nasr Farid Wasel of Egypt arguesthat rape survivors should have access to abortions along with reconstructive hymen surgery in order to preserve female virginity and marriageability.

Some modern Islamic scholars have supported abortion for social and medical reasons in the context of rapidly expanding populations in Muslim-majority countries, constrained health budgets, and maternal health, arguing from principles such as public interest (istislah), equity or just solutions (istihsan), protection against distress and constriction, necessity to avert probable harm and necessity. Notably, Ayatollah Yusuf Saanei of Iran stated his opinion in 2000 that abortion is allowed under conditions such as parents’ poverty or overpopulation.

In spite of the work of the modern Islamic scholars above, the laws and policies of many current Muslim-majority nations are today, surprisingly, more restrictive than the rulings of medieval Islamic jurists. The picture, however, is diverse.

Laws in present-day Muslim-majority states emerge from plural legal traditions, a variable and hybrid mixture of colonial-era, civil and common law and differentially-interpreted religious texts, the latter frequently confined to matters concerning family law.

Abortion is illegal in Senegal outside of exceptions for the mother’s life, for instance, based on the 1810 French penal code. French colonial law also influenced prohibitive abortion provisions in Algeria, Iran, Lebanon, Mauritania, Morocco and Syria. Libya’s restrictive legislation is based on Italian law and British colonial codes proscribing abortion are still alive in Qatar and other Gulf states.

Several countries permit abortion without restriction: Albania, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Tunisia, Turkey (where the right isthreatened by the ruling AKP government) and Uzbekistan. Tunisia liberalized its law in 1973 before France, Germany and the USA.  Yet eighteen Muslim majority countries, including Afghanistan, Libya, Sudan, Mali, Yemen, and Iraq, have amongst the most restrictive abortion laws worldwide, allowing abortion solely to save the mother’s life or prohibiting it altogether.

Today the actual practice of abortion in Muslim contexts, although seldom spoken of, is significant and often dangerous. Between 1995 and 2000, more than 50 percent of all unintended pregnancies in the Arab World region ended in abortion. It is estimated that 80,000 illegal abortions are performed in Iran per year, and nearly one million yearly in Pakistan. Nearly 5 percent of all maternal deaths in the MENA region were due to abortion related complications, with the number rising to over half of all maternal deaths in some Muslim-majority countries.

Women in these regions benefit neither from religiously-argued permissiveness of abortion or international human rights standards, the subject of significant expansion in the past two decades. Women’s rights to comprehensive reproductive health services, including abortion, are rooted in international and regional standards that guarantee the right to life, health, liberty, privacy, bodily integrity and non-discrimination. The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, notably, is a legally binding human rights instrument that explicitly addresses abortion as a human right

The 1994 International Conference on Population and Development Programme of Action called upon governments to consider the consequences of unsafe abortion on women’s health, urged governments to directly address unsafe abortion as a major public health concern and confirmed that where abortion is legal, the procedure should be accessible and safe. And the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women’s Committee has called upon States parties to ensure that women are not forced to seek unsafe medical procedures such as illegal abortion because of lack of appropriate services.

The expansion of sexual and reproductive rights language in international and regional frameworks, signed and ratified by most Muslim-majority countries, has momentum. However the CSW this year was a flashpoint for a more powerful and troubling counter-narrative on the international level from 'conservative forces' such as the Vatican, Russia, Libya, Egypt and others with increased political clout.

On the national level, several powerful conservative governments in such countries as Turkey and Egypt have made moves to curtail women’s rights and further police women’s sexuality. These moves involve attempts to reverse existing policies or legislation or targeting of individual activists or groups where possible. Prime Minister Tayyip of Turkey – a country with a long history of women’s right to abortion - has frequently expressed his distaste for abortion rights and promoted his pro-natalist policies. In May 2012, he compared abortion to air strikes on civilians and equated it with murder.

And back on the world stage, the ongoing efforts of a group of conservative states, Egypt prominent amongst them, to weaken human rights language on women’s rights and undermine women’s right to abortion is becoming increasingly visible and effective.

This June, the Human Rights Council adopted a resolution on violence against women which cites the need to provide reproductive health services to survivors, but unlike the 57th CSW Agreed Conclusions in March 2013, the new resolution does not list these services, including safe abortion. Is this the future for abortion rights in Muslim contexts?

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