Tuesday, November 01, 2011

INTENTIONAL COLLECTIVE FORGETTING BY WHITES

History is a funny thing.  It happens...doesn't happen...maybe happened...well, it all depends.  Part of the white supremacist foundation of this country of ours, is our collective forgetting of what really happened and who really did what to who.  Since those in power pretty much control what history we are fed and what we are taught in school, you sometimes have to struggle just to get to the truth.  The succinct article you will find below from Racism Review explains that and recovers a little of real history 101.





Systemic Racism and Collective Forgetting: Let Us Recover Those Like Walker, Garnet, and Delaney

By Joe · 

In my The White Racial Frame book I not only discuss this age-old white racial frame, which accents both white virtue material and anti-others material, but also the important counter frames to this dominant white frame that people of color have developed. In the U.S. case African Americans have developed an especially strong counter frame over centuries, perhaps because they have had the longest period of time situated firmly within this systemically racist society.
One feature of U.S. systemic racism involves a rather intentional collective forgetting by whites of key African Americans who articulated and often organized around a strong counter frame. Let me remind our readers of a few of these great Americans.
One of the first to put counter frame down on paper was David Walker, a young African American abolitionist working in Boston. In 1829 he published a strong manifesto, entitled Appeal to the Coloured Citizens of the World. Demanding full equality, he wrote to his fellow African Americans with revolutionary arguments in an anti-oppression framing, so much so that slaveholding whites put a large cash bounty on his head. (He died young, probably as a result.) Walker analyzes slavery and racial segregation for free blacks quite bluntly. Most whites are “cruel oppressors and murderers” whose “oppression” will be overthrown. They are “an unjust, jealous, unmerciful, avaricious and blood-thirsty set of beings.” Whites seek for African Americans to be slaves to them
and their children forever to dig their mines and work their farms; and thus go on enriching them, from one generation to another with our blood and our tears!
He then quotes the words “all men are created equal” from the Declaration of Independence and challenges whites:
Compare your own language above, extracted from your Declaration of Independence, with your cruelties and murders inflicted by your cruel and unmerciful fathers and yourselves on our fathers and on us–men who have never given your fathers or you the least provocation! . . . . I ask you candidly, was your sufferings under Great Britain one hundredth part as cruel and tyrannical as you have rendered ours under you?
A little later in the 19th century, an admirer of Walker, the African American abolitionist Henry Garnet, gave a radical speech, “An Address to the Slaves of the United States of America,” at a National Negro Convention. Garnet’s counter framing is very assertive and to the point, and it is also an address to those enslaved. He offers a structural analysis of “oppression,” arguing too that the white “oppressor’s power is fading.” African Americans like “all men cherish the love of liberty. . . . In every man’s mind the good seeds of liberty are planted.” He calls on those enslaved to take revolutionary action:
There is not much hope of redemption without the shedding of blood. If you must bleed, let it all come at once—rather die freemen, than live to be slaves.” He concludes with a strong call to rebellion: “Brethren, arise, arise! Strike for your lives and liberties.
One of the most brilliant of the 19th century analysts of systemic racism was the great abolitionist, Martin Delaney, who among other actions worked in revolutionary efforts to overthrow the slavery system. (In May 1858, he and John Brown gathered black and white abolitionists for a revolutionary meeting in Chatham, Canada. Four dozen black and white Americans wrote a new constitution to govern a growing band of armed revolutionaries they hoped would come from the enslaved US population.) Directing a book at all Americans, Delaney emphasizes the
United States, untrue to her trust and unfaithful to her professed principles of republican equality, has also pursued a policy of political degradation to a large portion of her native born countrymen. . . . there is no species of degradation to which we are not subject.
His counter framing is one of resistance and extends the old liberty-and-justice frame beyond white rhetoric:
We believe in the universal equality of man, and believe in that declaration of God’s word, in which it is positively said, that ‘God has made of one blood all the nations that dwell on the face of the earth.’
Delaney attacks whites’ stereotypes of African Americans with a detailed listing of important achievements of numerous free and enslaved African Americans and emphasizes how enslaved workers brought very important skills in farming to North America that European colonists did not have. African American workers were the “bone and sinews of the country” and the very “existence of the white man, South, depends entirely on the labor of the black man.” Delaney emphasizes that African Americans are indeed very old Americans:
Our common country is the United States. . . . and from here will we not be driven by any policy that may be schemed against us. We are Americans, having a birthright citizenship.
Let us bring these and other important 19th African Americans back into our contemporary history, as they were both thinkers and activists in the long tradition of people fighting for liberty in the United States. Note too essential elements of the black counter frame in these and many other black thinkers and activists too often forgotten writings from the 19th century: a strong critique of racial oppression; an aggressive countering of white’s negative framing of African Americans; and a very strong accent on the centrality and importance of liberty, justice, and equality for all Americans. African Americans have been perhaps the most central Americans in keeping these liberty and justice ideals constantly alive and imbedded in resistance organizations over four long centuries of freedom struggles in the racist history of the United States.



OCCUPY ENVELOPES AND BOTHER BANKS

A reader of Scission sent me the video below.  It is great and I love it.  I never even thought about this before.  Have fun!

RETURN TO SENDER

A fast, easy, free, and non-violent way to drive the big banks out of their greedy little minds is sitting in your mailbox right now. You just don't know it yet.


Click here to see the video demonstration and ACT NOW.

Monday, October 31, 2011

UPRISING AGAINST OCCUPATION PUETRO RICO 1950

SIXTY yeaars ago today, there was this uprising against this occupation.  Many died, many, many were jailed.  The uprising failed, but the struggle continues.  


It wouldn't hurt for the Occupy movement of today to take on the US occupation of Puerto Rico.  


Today's history lesson comes from NOTHING TO BE GAINED HERE.



Arm In Arm With Arms: The Puerto Rican Uprising Of 1950

“Every man got a right to decide his own destiny
 in this judgement there is no partiality
So arm in arm with arms we’ll fight this little struggle
‘Cause that’s the only way we can over come our little trouble”
- Bob Marley from the song Zimbabwe
In the years that followed World War II colonized nations all over the world began actively seeking independence through the United Nations. The United Nations was forced to respond to these demands and so in 1946 a list of non self-governing nations was made. From time to time that list was revised.
Puerto Rico is the oldest colony in the western hemisphere. It was a colony of Spain for almost 400 years and has been a colony of the US since 1898. Throughout that whole time Puerto Ricans have fought for their freedom. In the 1930′s the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party,  led by Don Pedro Albizu Campos, came to prominence by directly and openly challenging US authority in Puerto Rico. The US responded with increased repression against the Nationalists in the form of arrests, imprisonment and murder.
The situation between the Nationalists and the colonial Puerto Rican government was intense. In 1935 five Nationalists were killed by police at a demonstration at the University Of Puerto Rico in what became known as the Rio Piedras Massacre. In retaliation the Nationalists Hiram Rosado and Elias Beauchamp assassinated the Chief Of Police, Colonel Elisha Francis Riggs.  Rosado and Beuchamp were captured and executed without a trial by the police. Albizu Campos and other Nationalists were imprisoned for inciting violence. In 1937 the Nationalists held a demonstration in Ponce on Palm Sunday demanding Albizu Campos freedom. The demonstration turned into the Ponce massacre when the governor and the police responded by shooting into the crowd wounding 235 people and killing nineteen among them a seven-year old child.
The repression against those seeking independence did not end there. In 1948 it became illegal to display the Puerto Rican flag, speak of liberation, sing patriotic songs and fight for the cause of liberation. In 1950 the US Congress proposed making Puerto Rico a “Free Associated State” or “Commonwealth” of the US. The Nationalists saw this as a move by the US to keep Puerto Rico off the UN’s list of colonized nations and so the Nationalists planned a series of actions and uprisings to openly challenge the semantic game that the US was playing with Puerto Rico.
On October 30th of 1950 a Puerto Rican woman by the name of Blanca Canales led an uprising in the mountain town of Jayuya. Under her leadership the Nationalists took Jayuya and Blanca Canales declared Puerto Rico a free republic. At the same time in the town of Utado Nationalists were fighting the US National Guard and other Nationalists were attacking “La Forteleza” the governors mansion in San Juan and the Federal Court House in Old San Juan.
Blanca Canales and the Nationalists were successful in holding Jayuya for three days until the US military bombed them from the air and sent in ground troops. In Utado nine Nationalists were captured and summarily sent to be executed without a trial. Five of the nine survived in what would become the Massacre of Utado. In San Juan the attack on “La Fortaleza” and on the Federal Court building in Old San Juan failed because the Nationalists were betrayed by one of their own who warned the government of the attacks. The betrayal of the attacks led to the deaths of four, the wounding of two and the arrest of six Nationalists.
The next day on October 31st the police were tipped off to a cache of weapons in a barber shop in Santurce called Salon Boricua owned by Vidal Santiago who was a Nationalist and the personal barber for Albizu Campos. The police shot and bombed the barbershop fearing that there was a group of Nationalists in the shop. However the only person in the shop was Vidal Santiago who only had a pistol and used it to defend himself against the police aggression. After a three-hour firefight Vidal Sanitago was shot five times, once in the head, but he survived and was arrested. There police found no cache of weapons in the barber shop.
On November 1st of 1950, the assault by the Nationalist Party continued as Oscar Collazo and Griselio Torresola (who was the brother of Balnca Canales) attempted to assassinate the President of the United States, Harry Truman. The assassination attempt took place at the Blair House. The White House was under renovation and Truman was staying in Blair House when Oscar Collazo and Griselio Torresola attacked the guards in an attempt to get into the house to kill the president. Oscar Collazo was wounded while Griselio Torresola was killed along with another policeman in the gun battle that took place just outside Truman’s bedroom window.
Some three thousand Puerto Ricans were rounded up and incarcerated for their role in the Nationalist uprisings of 1950. Among those who served the greatest amount of time in prison was Blanca Canales who served seventeen years in prison for her role in the Jayuya Uprising. Albizu Campos was arrested and sentenced to 80 years. Oscar Collazo was sentenced to death but Truman commuted his sentence to life in prison and he served 25 years there before being pardoned in 1979 by President Jimmy Carter.
Although the Nationalists uprising of 1950 did not succeed in freeing Puerto Rico they did succeed in catapulting the colonial situation of Puerto Rico onto a world stage. The US could rename its relationship with Puerto Rico as a “Free Associated State” or “Commonwealth” all it wanted but colonialism by any other name is still colonialism. No matter what the US did now, the world could no longer afford to see a Puerto Rico as being a “Free Associated State” as the US wanted it. Puerto Rico was not free to be associated with the US or anyone else… The Nationalists may have failed to free Puerto Rico but they succeeded in keeping the US from hiding it’s colonial possession with semantic Orwellian double speak like “Free Associated State”… The Nationalists succeeded in making it be known all over the world that Puerto Rico wanted to be free and was willing to fight to do so…

OCCUPY MOVEMENT: THE GOOD, THE BAD, AND THE UGLY





Yesterday, I attended another Occupy Kansas City (OKC) rally and also dropped by the camp site.  As always, I came away with mixed feelings.  


THE GOOD

  • The simple fact that a rather inexperience group of "activists" have managed to pull off three rallies/marches and a day of education in such a short period of time in KANSAS CITY is actually pretty impressive.  I haven't seen anything like it here since the 1980s anyway.
  • The camp site still stands and the tents are colorful.  Although some OKC people have expressed "concern" that so many homeless are the actual occupiers, I think that actually says something important in and of itself.
  • OKC now has a Direct Action Group (DAWG) that seems to have its stuff pretty well together and is providing some real direction and strategy to OKC whether it knows it, acknowledges it, or not.
  • During yesterday's march, for the first time, the group actually got in the streets instead of remaining happily on the sidewalks.  It isn't so important, I guess, if you are a few feet to your right, except for the fact that the police told them they were subject to arrest and they did it anyway.  This is the first time OKC has ever not cooperated fully with the law and shown any sign of defiance.
  • OKC's DAWG has now scheduled a march Saturday to the Bank of America.  This is a step up the ladder and shows that DAWG knows what it is doing.
THE BAD
  • OKC's 99% remain 99% white.  Much of OKC does not think this is a problem.  I do, and more importantly, so does DAWG.  Do they get why?  A few do, most don't.
  • Like the entire Occupy Movement, OKC remains overwhelmingly middle class, petit bourgeois and has virtually no real class analysis.  Even worse, for the most part, it has no interest in a class analysis and, I am not even sure, understands what a class analysis might be. OKC is NOT an anti-capitalist movement and makes that perfectly clear, some wear it as a badge of honor.  Consequently the question remains, whose class interests are being represented and the answer remains the interests of the petit bourgeois, not of workers, not of the poor.
  • OKC, like some other Occupy sites, remains a broad based populist movement with right wing elements welcome.  I just don't get this.  There was a group at yesterday's rally, for example, with Ron Paul sings, American flags, etc.  They looked more like the Tea Party then Occupy. 
  • Speaking of flags, how many American flags is too many and is it really necessary to prove how patriotic you are by making sure you stop everything and fold the flag properly at the proper time.  It is a flag, people.  It's a flag which to a whole lot of people around the world represents something not so good.  
  • While more impressed with the site than I have been, it does seem silly to me that it remains tucked away in a location where no one is...out of sight from anyone OKC might want to have join up.  While being out of sight has kept the site from being attacked by cops and shut down, when that happens, and it will, no one will be there to see it.  If a tree falls in the forest and no one hears it, did it happen?
  • OKC continues to thank anyone who doesn't beat or arrest them.  During an interview on TV yesterday, a spokesperson, once again emphasized how cooperative the police have been.  
THE UGLY
  • For some unknown reason, I have this feeling that the those "cooperative" cops are about to become less "nice" whether OKC likes them or not.  It's just a feeling somewhat based on several rumors this past week of impending removal, of some comments made by some individual cops, and on the little "warning" the marchers were given yesterday.  Hopefully, I am wrong, but despite what OKC thinks, the Kansas City police are not known for being just a bunch of swell folks.  It may be that Kansas City's African American mayor has played a role in holding them back up to now.  However, the mayor's office does not control the police.  Even though I have been saying that the fact that OKC hasn't really caused any problem, has played by all the rules, has made nice with the police and various city departments, and is camped in the middle of nowhere has led to them being left alone, I just have this gut feeling that is all about to end.  Hopefully, that is all it is. I am not known for gut feelings.
In the end, and despite it all, I still critically support OKC and the whole Occupy movement (actually I don't think a couple of months qualifies it as a movement yet, but whatever).  I think it faces one of three fates:
  1. For lack of direction and because of the all too obvious contradictions within it, the whole thing will eventually fade away.  
  2. The right wing will become predominant without anyone even noticing and a new reactionary populist movement will be born.
  3. While the Occupy movement is not even really an anti-capitalist movement (let alone anything more), it might create the space for one to come into existance.   If along with this...
  4. An independent, conscious, militant, Black Liberation Movement  springs up diagonally to this and moves the whole playing field. If that happens and if the Occupy movement understands its relationship to, listens to, and takes leadership from such a movement something truly important could be born.  Since, I believe, no significant change ever comes in this country without a strong movement of African Americans and other People of Color, without a real struggle against white supremacy and racism, this is what I hope for the most.


 In my first post on this whole phenomenon, I advised the left (and I mean here the Marxist left, socialists, communists, anarcho communists,anti-racists, and the like) to leave this basically  populist movement alone and let it develop on its own.  I think now, however, it is time for it to step forward and try to provide some analysis, some direction, some leadership, and a truly anti-white supremacist orientation (something by the way, my comrades, also need to apply to themselves and their own ideologies) in as non sectarian way as is possible for those on the far left.


NOVEMBER 1:  IN RESPONSE TO THE COMMENTS BELOW, WHICH I ADVISE YOU TO READ FIRST, I OFFER THIS IN A COMRADELY MANNER:



I appreciate the spirit of the comments which have been critical of what I wrote.  I get your concerns.  It is your "movement" and you are very protective of it and very much are working to make it succeed.  I get that, too.  


It is true, I have chosen NOT to play a big role in Occupy KC.  I have felt that would be a mistake considering my history and obvious strong ideological agenda.  


I have not participated in the day to day work of building Occupy Kansas City.


That said, I have attended every public event of Occupy Kansas City and I have hung out at the site on numerous occasions. Also, I am in close contact with several persons who are very much involved in Occupy Kansas City, including DAWG.  


I know that there are individual People of Color involved.


The participation of individuals from communities of color is important, but that is not my point.  I stand by the obvious fact that the vast, vast majority of those participating in rallies, marches, and the like have been white.    I believe, many do not, that it is important for groups like yours to listen to and take some leadership from organizations and individuals associated with the Black Liberation Struggle and also recognized activists in the local African American and other communities of Color.  I am sorry but I have not seen that.  I have asked for examples time and again and have received very meager responses.  Again, we may define this differently, so I look forward to more direct examples.  


I take exception to any notion that Occupy Kansas City has in any way pushed forward issues of particular importance to people of color. When you push an agenda that says we all are just part of the 99%, that just doesn't cut it.  How often have you spoken about police brutality, about the treatment of Black kids on the Plaza last summer, about the disparity in hiring, about lousy grocery stores, about the huge numbers of young black men inhabiting our prison and justice system, about stop and frisk, or racial profiling, about immigration, about Indian land issues, about political prisoners, about life on the reservation, about who the land you are occupying is really owned by.  I don't mean just mentioning them, I mean emphasizing such. You may disagree.  It may be what you think these are and what I think they are simply are not the same.  However, I am aware of the fight waged by several persons at Occupy Kansas City, at GAs and the like to raise the issues and being told racism is simply not a problem.  I know that DAWG in particular is fighting and I think making headway finally on this matter.  I have never said otherwise.


More importantly, don't march lots of whites into a black neighborhood to inform them of any of this. I understand you are trying to reach out to the African American community when you do this.  However, it comes across as typical white arrogance. Black people don't need white folks telling them about racism and white supremacy.  African Americans don't need to be handed a leaflet by a bunch of well meaning whites explaining how they have been exploited in America.  No one has to tell People of Color about discrimination.  Go confront white people. Go march with an anti racist agenda, with information about white skin privilege and white supremacy in white neighborhoods...working class, middle class, affluent. Go to their workplaces, go to their shopping centers, go to their parks, go to their clubs.  Go challenge other white people.  Go give them leaflets about the disparities in unemployment, healthcare, prison populations, police brutality.  Go tell them about the "crack downs" on Latinos, on so called "illegals."  Go tell them about last hired, first fired.  Go confront them on their own racism and what they have gained simply by being white in this country.  Go tell them about the real affirmative action that has been practiced in this country since 1776, the affirmative action of slavery, of Jim Crow, of white unions, of voter identification, of the justice system, and of all the rest.  That is where it gets hard.  African Americans, Latinos, American Indians, and other People of Color don't need a bunch of well meaning white activists to come and lecture to them.  They need you to listen to them, to seek guidance from them.  They need you to go out to where the racism is and to take it on directly.  This is what Malcolm told whites who wanted to support him and his movement in the early 60s.  This is what John Brown, the greatest white man ever born and executed in America did.  John Brown didn't go tell slaves about slavery.  He broke bread with black folks, he asked them for advice and guidance, and he listened to what they had to say.  He confronted abolitionists who thought slavery was wrong but racial discrimination, racism and all the rest was okay.  He went to Kansas and took on the white slavers flooding in from Missouri.  He went south of the Mason Dixon Line to Harpers Ferry and brought his fiery message to the white south and to the white supremacist U.S. government.  He rejected his whiteness and became a human being.  No, you don't have to fight the battle the way old John Brown did here in Kansas City.  No one is calling on Occupy Kansas City to carry out a violent attack on anything or anyone.  Just go with your voices and your ideas and challenge racism in its home.  


When, and if, things get better for these white folks who are getting a taste of what People of Color have been living with forever, don't declare the struggle over and go home.  


Moving on.


I suppose I did skip the tents as a form of civil disobedience, but the fact is that the cops don't mind them because they are in an out of the way place.  There has been no attempt by anyone to enforce any ordinance, if one exists, pertaining to camping in a park.  But you are right, I did not consider that.  I stand corrected.  Stepping into the street was the second act of defiance.  On the other hand, the group keeps saying it has permits for the parks, permits for the marches, is working in cooperation with the police, is thankful to the Parks Department.  What is that all about?


I do see the world in an us/them manner.  Actually, so do you, since you have divided the 99% from the 1%.  We use different definitions upon which to divide.  I do believe there are oppressors and oppressed, exploiters and exploited, bosses and workers, workers and bourgeois, etc.  That may be quaint but it is my view.  Now, you will point out that your reference is that you are referring to Occupy not the world.  That would be fine except for the fact that you count as allies within your group some of the very people I consider class enemies.  So, for many of us, there is a we/they.  I, personally, don't know how long I can continue to march along side Ron Paul supporters and others like them.  They are a "they" to me.  Maybe not to you.


I used the term spokesperson, because the person quoted on television has been out front and a public person who comments for quite sometime.  You may not call him a spokesperson, but, well, if it quacks like a duck...I also believe there are leaders although I am sure you believe the whole thing is leaderless, but that is another debate.


As to class analysis, if the general movement of Occupy Kansas City has one, it is pretty much subsumed.  The group emphasizes time and again it is open to everyone who is unhappy with what is happening in this country.  It is open to Ron Paul supporters, capitalists of all stripes, right wing libertarians business men and women, professionals,, etc. etc.  


Are there some people with a class analysis.  I know there are.  There are even a few people who say they are communists roaming around and one of them put out a damn good leaflet which I cited on an earlier post from another march that I attended.  However, again, surly you would not argue that Occupy Kansas City is somehow a working class movement.  Occupy Kansas City has made it clear that it is not an anti-capitalist movement.  Fine, but don't tell me it has a class analysis.  The class most represented and whose interested are most represented is the petit bourgeois which just wants to make capitalism more friendly to itself and occasionally some others.  


What I find sad here, is the total refusal to accept my criticism in the spirit in which they are offered.  I made clear in the beginning of the post, and at several other points that I still support Occupy Kansas city and the whole Occupy Wall Street thing.  I even point out that,  "While (I believe) the Occupy movement is not even really an anti-capitalist movement (let alone anything more), it might create the space for one to come into existence." and then add that if,   "An independent, conscious, militant, Black Liberation Movement  springs up diagonally to this and moves the whole playing field. If that happens and if the Occupy movement understands its relationship to, listens to, and takes leadership from such a movement something truly important could be born." 


Completely ignored is what I began the article with THE GOOD.


Ultimately, I think the big difference between those who have criticized this and other similar pieces, is that I and other critical supporters are, in fact, up front, and out in the open Marxists, or anarchists, or anarcho communists, or communists or whatever.  We do have an ideology.  We do have a class based agenda.  In my case, I add, that in addition to a grounding in Marxism, is my my continued belief in the theory that capitalism is upheld as a result of an ideology of white skin privilege (further I am now influenced by the writings of Antonio Negri, and am also a fierce supporter of and influenced by a militant struggle to SAVE THE EARTH from environmental destruction, maybe best exemplified by a Marxian interpretation of the deep green resistance movement).  Perhaps, I am mistaken, but I think most of those in Occupy Kansas City do not accept those ideologies and do not want a class based movement.  I think you want to build a more broad based populist movement.  That is your business.  However, that is not mine.  So we shall always disagree.  I am equally sure that just as always those of us who do hold onto some strong ideology or whatever will also argue with each other.  In fact, that is why I asked "us" to stay out for so long.  I didn't want this movement to get all caught up in that kind of leftist sectarianism.  Now, as I said yesterday, I think ," it is time for it to step forward and try to provide some analysis, some direction, some leadership, and a truly anti-white supremacist orientation (something by the way, my comrades, also need to apply to themselves and their own ideologies) in as non sectarian way as is possible for those on the far left."


But that is just me.


Sorry for the length of this thing.  I did mean what I said at the beginning.  I do appreciate the concerns and the arguments of those who think I am off (some way off) base. I get it.  But Scission is a blog which I publish and thus it will continue to reflect my opinions and beliefs, just as Occupy Kansas City reflects others opinions and beliefs (although, as Scission readers know, I publish articles from all over the place).  I do reject that I am being malicious.  That is ridiculous.  Perhaps, this is another assumption,but perhaps my long years of participation in the left, the communist left, and the movement as a whole means I have developed a pretty thick skin in regards to criticism and strong debate.  That probably does seem a bit nasty to those in a new, young movement, made up mostly of folks who have never been exposed to this stuff.  For that, I criticize myself.  I have told people to whom I am close that I really do have a problem communicating with those of you in this movement.  That's a problem I am working on and being helped on by one particular person in Occupy Kansas City.  I am learning just by watching and listening to her.  She is much better at expressing herself with y'all than am I.  


Finally, feel free to keep critiquing my critiques.  I have no problem with a little criticsm-self criticism.  


PS: I wrote this off the cuff, so I apologize for its somewhat confused manner of presentation...


Venceramous...

Sunday, October 30, 2011

IT'S CAPITALISM, STUPID

Just got a minute.  Heading out to an Occupy rally...oh well.


The following is from Monthly Review.


Capitalism and Environmental Catastrophe
by John Bellamy Foster

John Bellamy Foster and Fred Magdoff at Occupy Wall Street.  Photo by Carrie Ann Naumoff
This is a reconstruction from notes of a talk delivered at a teach-in on "The Capitalist Crisis and the Environment" organized by the Education and Empowerment Working Group, Occupy Wall Street,Zuccotti Park (Liberty Plaza), New York, October 23, 2011.  It was based on a talk delivered the night before at the Brecht Forum.  Fred Magdoff also spoke on both occasions.
The Occupy Wall Street movement arose in response to the economic crisis of capitalism, and the way in which the costs of this were imposed on the 99 percent rather than the 1 percent.  But "the highest expression of the capitalist threat," as Naomi Klein has said, is its destruction of the planetary environment.  So it is imperative that we critique that as well.1
I would like to start by pointing to the seriousness of our current environmental problem and then turn to the question of how this relates to capitalism.  Only then will we be in a position to talk realistically about what we need to do to stave off or lessen catastrophe.
How bad is the environmental crisis?  You have all heard about the dangers of climate change due to the emission of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases into the atmosphere -- trapping more heat on earth.  You are undoubtedly aware that global warming threatens the very future of the humanity, along with the existence of innumerable other species.  Indeed, James Hansen, the leading climatologist in this country, has gone so far as to say this may be "our last chance to save humanity."2
But climate change is only part of the overall environmental problem.  Scientists, led by the Stockholm Resilience Centre, have recently indicated that we have crossed, or are near to crossing, nine "planetary boundaries" (defined in terms of sustaining the environmental conditions of the Holocene epoch in which civilization developed over the last 12,000 years): climate change, species extinction, the disruption of the nitrogen-phosphorus cycles, ocean acidification, ozone depletion, freshwater usage, land cover change, (less certainly) aerosol loading, and chemical use.  Each of these rifts in planetary boundaries constitutes an actual or potential global ecological catastrophe.  Indeed, in three cases -- climate change, species extinction, and the disruption of the nitrogen cycle -- we have already crossed planetary boundaries and are currently experiencing catastrophic effects.  We are now in the period of what scientists call the "sixth extinction," the greatest mass extinction in 65 million years, since the time of the dinosaurs; only this time the mass extinction arises from the actions of one particular species -- human beings.  Our disruption of the nitrogen cycle is a major factor in the growth of dead zones in coastal waters.  Ocean acidification is often called the "evil twin" of climate change, since it too arises from carbon dioxide emissions, and by negatively impacting the oceans it threatens planetary disruption on an equal (perhaps even greater) scale.  The decreased availability of freshwater globally is emerging as an environmental crisis of horrendous proportions.3
All of this may seem completely overwhelming.  How are we to cope with all of these global ecological crises/catastrophes, threatening us at every turn?  Here it is important to grasp that all of these rifts in the planetary system derive from processes associated with our global production system, namely capitalism.  If we are prepared to carry out a radical transformation of our system of production -- to move away from "business as usual" -- then there is still time to turn things around; though the remaining time in which to act is rapidly running out.
Let's talk about climate change, remembering that this is only one part of the global environmental crisis, though certainly the most urgent at present.  Climate science currently suggests that if we burn only half of the world's proven, economically accessible reserves of oil, gas, and coal, the resulting carbon emissions will almost certainly raise global temperatures by 2° C (3.6° F), bringing us to what is increasingly regarded as an irreversible tipping point -- after which it appears impossible to return to the preindustrial (Holocene) climate that nourished human civilization.  At that point various irrevocable changes (such as the melting of Arctic sea ice and the ice sheets of Greenland and Antarctica, and the release of methane from the tundra) will become unstoppable.  This will speed up climate change, while also accelerating vast, catastrophic effects, such as rising sea levels and extreme weather.  Alternatively, if our object is the rational one of keeping warming below 2° C, climate science now suggests that we should refrain from burning more than a quarter of the proven, economically exploitable fossil fuel reserves (unconventional sources such as tar sands are excluded from this calculation).4
The central issue in all of this, it is important to understand, is irreversibility.  Current climate models indicate that if we were to cease burning fossil fuels completely at the point that global average temperature had increased by 2°C, or 450 parts per million (ppm) carbon concentration in the atmosphere (the current level is 390 ppm), the earth would still not be close to returning to a Holocene state by the year 3000.  In other words, once this boundary is reached, climate change is irreversible over conceivable human-time frames.5  Moreover, the damage would be done; all sorts of catastrophic results would have emerged.
Recently climate scientists, writing for Nature magazine, one of the world's top science publications, have developed a concrete way of understanding the planetary boundary where climate change is concerned, focusing on the cumulative carbon emissions budget.  This is represented by thetrillionth ton of carbon.  So far more than 500 billion tons of carbon have been emitted into the atmosphere since the industrial revolution.  In order to have an approximately even chance (50-50) of limiting the increase in global average temperature to 2°C, the cumulative CO2 emissions over the period 1750-2050 must not exceed one trillion tons of carbon; while in order to have a 75 percent chance of global warming remaining below 2°C, it is necessary not to exceed 750 billion tons of carbon.  Yet, according to present trends, the 750 billionth ton of carbon will be emitted in 2028, i.e., about sixteen years from now.
If we are to avoid burning the 750 billionth ton of carbon over the next four decades, carbon dioxide emissions must fall at a rate of 5 percent per year; while to avoid emitting the trillion ton, emissions must drop at a rate of 2.4 percent a year.  The longer we wait the more rapid the decrease that will be necessary.  The trillionth ton, viewed as the point of no return, is the equivalent of cutting down the last palm tree on Easter Island.  After that it is essentially out of our hands. 6
This takes us to the social question.  The problem we face when it comes to the appropriate response to impending climate catastrophe is not so much one of climate science -- beyond understanding the environmental parameters in which we must act -- as social science.  It is an issue of social conditions and social agency.  We live in in a capitalist society, which means a societyin which the accumulation of capital, i.e., economic growth carried out primarily on the terms of the 1 percent at the top (the ruling capitalist class), is the dominant tendency.  It is a system that accumulates capital in one phase simply so that it can accumulate still more capital in the next phase -- always on a larger scale.  There is no braking mechanism in such a system and no social entity in control.  If for some reason the system slows down (as it is forced to periodically due to its own internal contradictions) it enters an economic crisis.  That may be good temporarily for the environment, but it is terrible for human beings, particularly the bottom portion of the 99 percent, faced with rising unemployment and declining income.
Overall, capitalism is aimed at exponential growth.  It cannot stand still.  The minimum adequate growth rate of the system is usually thought to be 3 percent.  But this means that the economy doubles in size about every 24 years.  How many such doublings of world output can the planet take?
Hence, there is a direct and growing contradiction between capitalism and the environment, a contradiction that becomes more and more apparent as the size of the capitalist economy begins to rival the basic biogeochemical processes of the planet.  Naomi Klein has rightly characterized the age we live in as "disaster capitalism" because of its dual economic and ecological crises -- and due to the increasingly exploitative means the rich employ to enable them to prosper in the midst of increasing destruction.7
There are two predominant ways of addressing the climate crisis and the environmental problem generally.  One is to look for technological ways out -- often seen as being spurred by the creation of carbon markets, but the onus is on the technology.  The argument here is that through the massive introduction of various advanced technologies we can have our pie and eat it too.  We can get around the environmental problem, it is suggested, without making any fundamental social changes.  Thus, the pursuit of profits and accumulation can go on as before without alteration.  Such magic-technological answers are commonly viewed as the only politically feasible ones, since they are attractive to corporate and political-power elites, who refuse to accept the need for system change.  Consequently, the establishment has gambled on some combination of technological miracles emerging that will allow them to keep on doing just as they have been doing.  Predictably, the outcome of this high-stake gamble has been a failure not only to decrease carbon emissions, but also to prevent their continued increase.
The turn to those alternative technologies that are already available (for example, solar power) has been hindered by the fact that they are often less profitable or require changes in social organization to be implemented effectively.  As a result, greater emphasis is placed on: (1) nuclear energy (a Faustian bargain if there ever was one); and (b) carbon capture and sequestration technology for coal-fired plants, which is neither economically nor ecologically feasible at present, and hence only serves to keep coal, the dirtiest fossil fuel, going.  Beyond this the only option that the vested interests (the 1% and their hangers-on) have left is to push for geoengineering technologies.  This involves such measures as dumping sulfur dioxide particles in the atmosphere to block the suns rays (with the danger that photosynthesis might be decreased), or fertilizing the ocean with iron to promote algal growth and absorb carbon (with the possibility that dead zones might expand).  These geoengineering schemes are extremely dubious in terms of physics, ecology, and economics: all three.  They involve playing God with the planet.  Remember the Sorcerer's Apprentice!
Nevertheless, such technological fantasies, bordering on madness, continue to gain support at the top.  This is because attempts to shift away from our currently wasteful society in the direction of rational conservation, involving changes in our way of life and our form of production, are considered beyond the pale -- even when the very survival of humanity is at stake.
The other approach is to demand changes in society itself; to move away from a system directed at profits, production, and accumulation, i.e., economic growth, and toward a sustainable steady-state economy.  This would mean reducing or eliminating unnecessary and wasteful consumption and reordering society -- from commodity production and consumption as its primary goal, to sustainable human development.  This could only occur in conjunction with a move towards substantive equality.  It would require democratic ecological and social planning.  It therefore coincides with the classical objectives of socialism.
Such a shift would make possible the reduction in carbon emissions we need.  After all, most of what the U.S. economy produces in the form of commodities (including the unnecessary, market-related costs that go into the production of nearly all goods) is sheer waste from a social, an ecological -- even a long-term economic -- standpoint.  Just think of all the useless things we produce and that we are encouraged to buy and then throw away almost the moment we have bought them.  Think of the bizarre, plastic packaging that all too often dwarfs the goods themselves.  Think of military spending, running in reality at $1 trillion a year in the United States.  Think of marketing (i.e. corporate spending aimed at persuading people to buy things they don't want or need), which has reached $1 trillion a year in this country alone.  Think of all the wasted resources associated with our financial system, with Wall Street economics.  It is this kind of waste that generates the huge profits for the top 1 percent of income earners, and that alienates and impoverishes the lives of the bottom 99 percent, while degrading the environment.8
What we need therefore is to change our economic culture.  We need an ecological and social revolution.  We have all the technologies necessary to do this.  It is not primarily a technological problem, because the goal here would no longer be the impossible one of expanding our exploitation of the earth beyond all physical and biological limits, ad infinitum.  Rather the goal would be to promote human community and community with the earth.  Here we would need to depend on organizing our local communities but also on creating a global community -- where the rich countries no longer imperialistically exploit the poor countries of the world.  You may say that this is impossible, but the World Occupy Movement would have been declared impossible only a month ago.  If we are going to struggle, let us make our goal one of ecological and social revolution -- in defense of humanity and the planet.

Notes
1  Naomi Klein, blurb to Fred Magdoff and John Bellamy Foster, What Every Environmentalist Needs to Know About Capitalism(New York: Monthly Review Press, 2011).
3  See the discussion (and sources cited) in John Bellamy Foster, Brett Clark, and Richard York, The Ecological Rift: Capitalism's War on the Earth(New York: Monthly Review Press, 2010), 13-19.
4  Malte Meinshausen, et al., "Greenhouse-Gas Emission Targets for Limiting Global Warming to 2°C," Nature 458 (April 30, 2009): 1158-62; Heidi Cullen, The Weather of the Future(New York: Harpers, 2010), 264-71; "On the Way to Phasing Out Emissions," Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research, April 30, 2009.
5  Susan Solomon, et al, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 106, no. 6 (February 10, 2009): 1704-1709; Cullen, Weather of the Future, 264-71.  It should be noted that even a target of stabilizing the climate at less than 2°C increase in global temperatures, or 450 ppm, would be inadequate.  Hansen indicates that we will reach critical tipping points, e.g., related to sea level rise, even before that stage.  If we truly wish to avoid such effects and maintain a stable Holocene state, he argues, we will need to stabilize the climate long-term at 350 ppm carbon concentration, or approximately 1°C increase in global average temperature -- a point that we have already exceeded.  See Hansen,Storms of My Grandchildren, 160-71.
6  Myles Allen, et al., "The Exit Strategy," Nature Reports Climate Change, April 30, 2009; Cullen, Weather of the Future, 264-71; Myles R. Allen, et al., "Warming Caused by Cumulative Carbon Emissions Towards the Trillionth Tonne," Nature 458 (April 20, 2009): 1163-66; Malte Meinshausen, et al., "Greenhouse-Gas Emission Targets for Limiting Global Warming to 2°C," Nature 458 (April 30, 2009): 1158-62;TrillionthTonne.org; Catherine Brahic, "Humanity's Carbon Budget Set at One Trillion Tonnes," New Scientist, April 29, 2009.
7  Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism(New York: Henry Holt, 2007).
8  On the systematic role of waste (economic and ecological) under the regime of monopoly capital and the freedom which that gives us to reshape economy and society in a sustainable direction, see John Bellamy Foster,"The Ecology of Marxian Political Economy," Monthly Review 63, no. 4 (September 2011): 1-16.  On military spending levels see John Bellamy Foster, Hannah Holleman, and Robert W. McChesney, "The U.S. Imperial Triangle and Military Spending," Monthly Review 60, no. 5 (October 2008): 9-13.  On marketing see Magdoff and Foster, What Every Environmentalist Needs to Know About Capitalism, 46-53.

John Bellamy Foster is the editor of Monthly Review.  He is the author ofWhat Every Environmentalist Needs to Know about Capitalism (with Fred Magdoff), The Ecological Rift, The Ecological Revolution, The Great Financial Crisis, Marx's Ecology, Ecology against Capitalism, and The Vulnerable Planet.